In general Argentina has a history of reasonable tolerance and non discriminatory behaviour clearly expressed in the reception provided to its immigrants. Nevertheless, as in other places, the country has suffered and goes through episodes of xenophobic attitudes.

These incidents occurr either in relation to social communities, local or external, or affecting certain people identified by their sex, sexual preferences, nationality, age or social background *1. Presently, the most usual cases of discrimination are referred to citizens of border countries who arrive in search of better working conditions and alternatives. For this reason we chose this subject and concentrate -as requested- to a specific area. We shall deal with aggressions suffered by Bolivian immigrants working in the field of agriculture in the area of Escobar, Province of Buenos Aires, 40 kilometers out of Buenos Aires, Capital of Argentina.

I - General framework of immigration

The industrialization process in Europe during the XIXth. century generated a significant internal migration (toward cities) and external (from the areas with more critical disbalances, toward other countries ). The new American States, needed to repopulate their territories, attracted the european immigrants in such a way that a significant number travelled to the New Continent. It is estimated that between 1820 and 1940 about 57 million europeans settled in America.

Argentina was part of this process. By mid XIXth. century the total population was about 1,5 million, a number that expressed a very low density of population. This was considered as a negative factor by the “fathers of the homeland” who included in the Argentine Constitution (1853) a clause that encouraged european immigration. During the 75 years extending from the second half of the XIXth. century to the first third of the XXth., about four million europeans arrived to the country. The rate of immigrants with respect to the national population in Argentina was largely overrun by the rest of the countries from the continent, including the United States. By 1914 the foreign population -almost entirely of European background and in active age- integrated 30 % of the population of Argentina.

It is estimated that the main nationalities that composed this immigration influx came from Italy (43%), Spain (33%) and Central Europe, mainly Poland (8%). There was a slight increase of european immigration in the years following 1945 but this process is almost extinguished presently.

Although this immigration tide found economic difficulties to insert itself in the Argentine society it did not suffer from any discriminatory behaviour. Immigrants and their offsprings were well received, adapted easily to the changing style of the country and many of them prospered. No records exist that important confrontations occurred for ethnic motives.

Presently, only a little more of 2% of the population is of european nationality, although its descendance continues many of their traditions and the entire society is impregnated with their culture. We may say that all argentinians are sons of immigration *2.

Immigration from border countries

Initially, the border country immigrants established in the areas next to the borders. As the Argentine population of theses areas is similar in habits and culture to its neighbours, no remarkable or systematic episodes of discrimination were recorded. Nevertheless, the progressive emigration from rural areas to the cities, initiated since the forties, included many immigrants. In Argentine cities these people -who could be either argentine or foreignas they had in common similar indigenous traits, received the nick name of “cabecitas negras” (little black heads).

The rural crisis of the sixties, the decrease in the price of regional products from the north of the country and the progressive mechanization of rural chores obliged immigrants from border countries to go to the main cities of Argentina, mainly, Cordoba, Rosario, Mendoza and Buenos Aires. By 1997, 65% of Paraguayans and 40% of Bolivians from the total of their respective migratory community, could be found in the adyacent areas from the city of Buenos Aires working mainly in the building industry, services and small commerce. The number of women is increasingly greater with respect to men (almost 60%) which shows that the alternatives for female work are greater.
In the border area there are cases of discriminatory treatment (expressed in lower salaries, burocratic difficulties, etc) but no serious or systematic conflicts are recorded. Neither the population of cities is entirely discriminatory except for some social prejudices which are verbally expressed. Nevertheless, major problems are produced in large cities and the

periphery due to the greater visibility of immigrants and economic competition such as the one we describe now :

II - The specific case

The small rural farms started to replace other larger and of greater importance such as dairy farms which transferred their enterprises to more distant areas. The region has become populated and properties increased in value due to improvements of roads and the installation of country clubs for affluent groups of people.
With the years the new immigrants arrived to the area and today there are about 600 Bolivian families who work 90 % of the productive land of Escobar . It should be noted that the physical appearance of this group of immigrants differs entirely from the almost totally white population of the area. The Bolivians who emmigrated have indigenous traits (dark complexion, slit eyes, not tall); they speak indigenous languages (aymará and quechua) so they pronounce spanish with a different accent than the Argentinians, and, in general, they are shy and behave gently, differing in this from the abrupt manners of urban citizens.

The course of action followed by these small rural workers is similar to that of many in different parts of the world. Some studies have compared it to the climbing of the “family farmers” of the United States middle west of the end of the XIXth. century and early XXth.
The different modes of production may be described as: a) Simple wage workers, qualified or not; b) of share cropping (medianería) in which the landowner shares the benefits with the farmer; c) a lease from the owners (for which the leaser pays a monthly sum and works the land with his own tools; and d) small landowners, a position which a number of the early immigrants have already reached.

Although there is a socio economic scale, each level is integrated by family groups in which all the members work hardly in precarious conditions limiting their own expenses to the minimum, and, in general with high communitary spirit. Contractual relations are not formalized in writing and rely on the good faith and trust of the parties. It is frequent that Bolivian wage workers work for share croppers or leasers and that they themselves hire each other according to the needs of the moment. Due to the fact that their children were born in the country, the community includes now an increasing number of children and young people who are Argentine. The population has experienced a moderate prosperity and has organized systems of self protection. There is a non profit civilian association created by Bolivian rural workers which owns a market that facilitates the marketing of products of the area. In addition this association acts as social and sports club for the community. Several investments were made in the region by the Bolivians which benefit the entire population, Argentine and Bolivian alike, as the building of roads, a small clinic and dining rooms for school children .

This modest development was obtained in a period economically adverse for Argentine society and in a “visible” area due to the proximity to the great city. In the last years Argentina is going through a severe economic crisis that seriously affects the marginal sectors of society and the unemployment rate or under unemployment has experienced a worrying increase.

Episodes related to discrimination

Two relatively large farms attacked between May and June 2000. Simultaneously several families of small farmers who operate on individual basis suffered also agressions. Besides insulting and humiliating, they destroyed their belongings, in some occasions they sexually abused and tortured them brutally (for example, with electric devices or irons). To steal they took advantage of the fact that many of the farmers who distrust burocratic systems, kept their savings in their own homes. All these assaults were made against Bolivian and none against Argentine farms.
When later the Police identified the agressors it was known that the responsible groups (two gangs and some persons acting individually) were not exactly composed by criminals. Some of them had criminal records for robberyy and minor crimes, but all of them committed several years ago. However, the chiefs belonged to families of farmers who raise horses in the area. It can then be deduced that, if although discrimination is the decisive cause, it also includes economic interests (i.e. to press the Bolivians to abandon the area and be able to buy the now valuable land to lower prices).

The reaction

The first attacks were not mentioned to the police by the Bolivian farmers. This fact can be explained by the fear created by the menaces they received, their distrust of national security forces of which some believed there were accomplices, as well as to the shame of having to describe publicly some of the humiliations suffered. Nevertheless, the information on aggressions eventually reached some police representatives who acted in support of the Bolivians jointly with INADI4, the Subsecretary of Human Rights, the Security Ministry of the Province and other public and private organisations.

The authorities created an unity of mounted police to control over the area. The security was strenghthened through an extraordinary measure which generated much relief among the victimes: assigned to the region a number of Bolivian members or from Bolivian descent of the Police staff. A lawyer from INADI keeps a regular presence in the area in permanent contact with the rural workers and has taken upon himself the legal defense of the victims. State officials instructed immigrants over banking systems, encouraging them to open bank accounts where to deposit their savings. A special supervision was established in the vegetable market of the Association of farmers.

These events reached the public in such a way that the main newspapers and magazines informed and covered widely on the situation of the Bolivians and their distress, remarking the most repulsive aspects of the aggression and pointing out the fact that the victims are modest workers who contribute to general welfare. For many people it was the opportunity to become acquainted for the first time with the hard work of Bolivian immigrants. The public response encouraged a strong police and legal action in such a way that presently most of the people guilty of these aggressionss are arrested or undergoing a lawsuit. Several organizations of human rights (very active in Argentina since the time of the military dictatorship) carried public activities to express solidarity among them many Argentinians, members of religious or lay organizations. An interesting fact is that the victims became more respected within the community. After these episodes elections were called in the Bolivian Civilian Association and the President and Secretary elected were two of the immigrants who had suffered the worst aggressions.

It is not our intention to idealize the public reaction but it is fair enough to say that the institutional and social responses have been correct. For the time being, greater dangers or risks of repetition have been overcome. Of course, the sad consequences of the personal experience remains in the heart of the victims, as well as the fear that these situations reappear in the future in Escobar or other places.

III - Conclusions

b) Faced to social adversity as the deterioration of its level of life, a sector of the national population tried to look for scapegoats transforming them in “social enemies” . They were thus tempted, by simplified explanations, to place the guilt over their misfortunes in the “other”. This situation was worsened by the fact that “the other” (in this case, the Bolivian rural workers) had reached a relative prosperity .

c) In the specific case of border migrations in Argentina, these benefit from a greater immunity as they are disseminated and integrated to the local habits and lifestyle.
Constitution in 1994. It is the instrument of antidiscriminatory policies of the Government and has a Claim Centre which receives complains. It is authorized to undertake legal and administrative procedures to correct xenophobic actions.

d) Instead, the vulnerability of these communities increase when they live in more “visible” areas, differ from the local population in aspect or habits, and shows a strong communitary network.

e) The solidarity of the general population was very important. The media -which on one part collaborated in the outburst of aggressive behaviour towards the Bolivians of Escobar-. transformed itself in an important ally to promote solidarity of the more sensitive social sectors. To build a positive “public opinion” seemed to favour the efficiency of the security forces.

 
f) Security was more efficient and generated more trust when it was decided to hire people for protection who felt a personal identification with the distress of the victims (Bolivian police).

g) The respect due to the culture of groups potentially discriminated must not exclude instruction and training on the local mechanisms of action, security and improvement of efficiency (opening of bank accounts).

h) The struggle against discriminatory attitudes is very long and is not solved with some partial victories (or defeats). The relative good solution of this incident only shows that governments -as well as the population in general- need to undertake necessary and firm actions in the long term and that both must feel identified and actively engaged in the struggle against discrimination.

*1 The outrageous and public action adressed against the jewish community (attack to the Israeli Embassy and to AMIA (the jewish welfare organisation) which must not be forgotten, are interpreted as projections of external conflicts.

Sources

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