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Buddhist Cremation Traditions for the Dead
and the Need to Preserve Forensic Evidence in Cambodia
Wynne Cougill
[1]
Documentation Center
of Cambodia
When
Vietnamese-led forces invaded Cambodia in late December 1978 and
toppled the Khmer Rouge, they discovered ample evidence of the mass
death brought about by Pol Pot’s Democratic Kampuchea regime. The
death toll during the nearly four years that the Khmer Rouge held
power was relatively small compared to those of many modern genocides
(an estimated 1.7 million people perished from execution or as the
result of starvation, disease, or forced labor), but no other genocide
has approached Cambodia’s as a percentage of the population. The Khmer
Rouge were responsible for the loss of about a quarter of the
country’s people.
In the
wake of the devastation the Khmer Rouge visited on Cambodia, there was
little public outcry over the disposition of the bones found in the
mass graves that dotted the country, most of which were left untouched
and exposed to the elements. Nearly all Cambodia’s infrastructure had
been destroyed during the regime (schools, banks, post offices, and
telecommunications were shut down, and religious structures were
converted into prisons) and most of its educated people had died,
leaving survivors more concerned with the struggle to live than
attending to the dead.
After
seven years of negotiations, in October 2004, the Royal Cambodian
Government and the United Nations ratified an agreement on the
prosecution of crimes committed during Democratic Kampuchea and
amendments to the law that establishes Extraordinary Chambers for a
tribunal of the regime’s senior leaders. In addition to their
historical importance, the bones in Cambodia’s mass graves will
provide physical evidence of mass murders at the trials. But more
recently, a debate has surfaced over their treatment and preservation.
Early Efforts to
Preserve the Bones
The
Vietnamese-installed government of Cambodia (the People’s Republic of
Kampuchea, PRK) sought to preserve the skeletal remains in Cambodia,
at first to prove that their ideological and political enemy China had
been behind the mass murders in Cambodia. Later, they viewed the bones
as evidence of genocide and thus a justification for the PRK’s control
of the country. (At this time, the United Nations and several Western
governments still recognized the Khmer Rouge as the country’s
legitimate government.) Two important sites in the Phnom Penh area
were the focus of their attention, and have become symbolic of the
horrors of Democratic Kampuchea today.
The
first is Tuol Sleng, a former Phnom Penh high school that served as a
secret, state-level prison during Democratic Kampuchea (it was known
to the Khmer Rouge by its code name S-21). According to documents
found in and around the prison, at least 14,000 enemies of the state
were detained here, and when the Vietnamese entered Phnom Penh on
January 7, 1979, they found less than a dozen survivors.
At
Tuol Sleng (which was made into a national museum in 1980 using the
massive documentation that survived at the site), the PRK created a 12
meter-square map containing 300 exhumed skulls, with Cambodia’s man y
rivers painted in blood red. The remained on public display until
2002, when it was dismantled. Today, the skulls from the map are
housed in a wooden case enclosed by glass.
The skull map at
Tuol
Sleng
Genocide
Museum
s
The
second is the “killing field” of Choeung Ek, which was discovered
about a year after the invasion. Most of Tuol Sleng’s inmates, in
addition to many other Cambodians – at least 20,000 people – were
executed at this site, which is about 15 km from the prison. Victims
were usually forced to kneel at the edge of the mass graves while
guards clubbed them on the back of the neck or head with a hoe or
spade.
Large-scale excavations took place at Choeung Ek in 1980: about 89
mass graves were disinterred out of the approximately 130 in the
vicinity. Nearly 9,000 individual skeletons were removed from the
site with the assistance of Vietnamese forensic specialists. The
remains were treated with chemical preservatives and placed in a
wooden memorial pavilion with open walls. To the dismay of many, PRK
officials also “arranged” bones in a decorative manner for
photographs.
Skull arrangement
at Chhoeung Ek
s
In
the decade
immediately following the
toppling of the Khmer Rouge, many national and local-level memorials
were constructed throughout Cambodia. A new memorial was built at
Choeung Ek in June 1988. Its 62 meter tall
concrete stupa contains a sealed glass display housing about
8,000 skulls. Vietnamese General Mai Lam, the archivist of Tuol Sleng
Museum and designer of the skull map, characterized the preservation
of human remains as “very important for the Cambodian people – it’s
the proof.”[2]
Choeung Ek Genocide Memorial Stupa
Buddhism and the
Preservation of Remains
About
95% of Cambodians practice Hinhayana Buddhism, which does not
prescribe cremation. But cremating the dead has been a tradition in
Cambodia and other Buddhist societies in Asia for centuries. Many
Cambodians believe that cremation and other rituals for the dead help
ease the deceased’s transition to rebirth. After cremation, Cambodians
store their family members’ ashes in a stupa so their souls can
be liberated for reincarnation.
Overlaying this tradition is the syncretistic practice of Buddhism in
Cambodia, which combines elements of Hinduism and animism. Among the
many spirits present in the animistic world are those of the dead. The
spirits of people who died unnatural deaths are considered to be the
most malevolent of these; because their spirits cannot rest, they
haunt the living and cause them misfortune.
In
the case of especially inauspicious deaths, such as by violence or
accident, it is widely believed that the dead person’s spirit or ghost
remains in the place where he or she died, and does not move on to
rebirth. One researcher has noted that “many
Cambodians consider Choeng Ek a highly dangerous place and refuse to
visit the Memorial. In addition, to have uncremated remains on
display is considered by some to be a great offence, and
tantamount to a second violence being done to the victims.”[3]
The Controversy
over the Remains
Most
Cambodians – the general population, the religious community, and the
government – seem to support the preservation of skulls and other
human remains of Democratic Kampuchea. (This support is reinforced by
an underlying belief in Buddhist tradition that people can cremate
only the remains of their family members. Because virtually no
individuals in the country’s killing fields have been identified from
their remains, cremation could pose some obstacles in Cambodia.)
The
Cambodian Government has long supported the preservation of the bones
as evidence. Prime Minister Hun Sen, for example, issued instructions
for the remains in late 2001:
In order to preserve the remains as
evidence of these historic crimes and as the basis for remembrance and
education by the Cambodian people as a whole, especially future
generations, of the painful and terrible history brought about by the
Democratic Kampuchea regime…the government issues the following
directives:
1.
All local authorities at the
province and municipal level shall cooperate with relevant expert
institutions in their areas to examine, restore and maintain all
existing memorials, and to examine and research other remaining grave
sites, so that all such places may be transformed into memorials.[4]
Neither
has there been an outcry from the Buddhist clergy. In fact, many monks
seem to welcome the preservation of remains in situ. A local
patriarch monk, who had initiated the construction of a memorial for
the remains from Sa-ang prison in Cambodia’s Kandal province in late
1999, told staff from the Documentation Center of Cambodia:
One reason I got the idea to construct
this memorial is that one member of my family was killed at Sang
Prison. Another reason is that I observed the remains in a sad state,
just sitting there exposed to the sun, wind, and rain. The remains
have decayed and have even been eaten by cows. That inspired me to
think that if the remains continued to lie in the state they were in
they would certainly vanish and no evidence would be left for younger
generations to see. In addition, if Buddhist followers wanted to come
to light incense and pay homage to commemorate the souls of the dead,
there was not a place for them to do so. So this idea of building a
memorial for the remains came to my mind.
But the loss of the remains is what I have
worried about the most. Because if people say “many died there,” but
there are no remains there, how can we believe? So preserving the
remains is the most important reason. I am not conceited. Many people
have contributed their money. I did not build this on my own. I do not
want to lose the evidence, so that people from various places can come
to pray and pay homage to the dead. And I will request the district
governor that this memorial for the remains should exist forever. And
I am thinking of having monks stay there and for people to come and
pay homage because some souls of the dead have made their parents or
children dream of them, and told them that they are wandering around
and have not reincarnated in another world. I want to have monks
meditating there so that the souls of the dead will rest in peace. In
Buddhism, when someone dies and their mind is still with this world,
then their souls wander around. The remains are a legacy for the
younger generation so that they may know how vicious the Khmer Rouge
regime was, because the young did not experience the regime. I
experienced this regime. Some lived through this regime as children
but they still do not believe; how can those who did not live through
believe? What can they base belief on?
[Speaking of the
possibility that authorities would require that the bones be moved] I
would not dare to oppose them at all. I could only request that they
do not burn them, but give them to me. Please do not touch the remains
because I have a stupa for them already. If they do not want that, I
can bring them to my pagoda here. But if they still insist that the
remains be burnt, I dare not oppose them. In my opinion, if they do
not want us to keep the remains there, I would like to keep them in my
pagoda so that people can come and hold religious ceremonies for their
dead relatives.[5]
Instead, opposition has come mainly from former King Norodom Sihanouk
and some members of Cambodia’s royalist party, FUNCINPEC. On February
23, 2001, Sihanouk wrote to Hun Sen asking that the skulls be removed
from the map at Tuol Sleng and “cremated in the Buddhist way” so their
souls could find rest.[6]
Hun Sen later indicated his willingness to hold a national referendum
on the issue after any trials of former Khmer Rouge.
Sihanouk also posted a letter on his website in February 2004,
decrying the way the bones of Khmer Rouge victims have been left out
and exposed around the country. He wrote that those killed by the
Khmer Rouge will “never have peace and serenity” and that their
remains should be cremated in nationwide religious ceremonies.[7]
On
April 17, 2004, Sihanouk marked the 29th anniversary of
Phnom Penh’s fall to the Khmer Rouge by calling for the cremation of
victims of the killing fields. “We are Buddhists whose belief and
customs since ancient times have always been to cremate the corpses
and then bring the remains to be placed in the stupa at the
pagoda,” he wrote.[8]
An Effort to
Resolve the Controversy
The Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) has made a number of
efforts to reconcile the views of the king and respect for Buddhist
beliefs with the needs for public education and forensic evidence from
the genocide. For example, in 2002, it replaced the skull map with a
satellite map of Cambodia identifying the locations of prisons and
mass graves from Democratic Kampuchea. The King subsequently wrote to
DC-Cam, “I would like to express my profound gratitude and warm
appreciation of your unique state-of-the-art initiative in zooming the
map of Cambodia with genocide sites to replace the existing skull map
being displayed at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum.”[9]
In
2003, the Center provided a large number of skulls from Choeung Ek and
other parts of Cambodia to a team of North American forensics
specialists.[10]
The experts chose ten skulls for analysis. In February 2004, DC-Cam
mounted an exhibition of the skulls at Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum.
Entitled “The Bones Cannot Find Peace until the Truth they Hold in
Themselves has been Revealed,” the exhibit sought to demonstrate the
value of forensics in documenting the Khmer Rouge’s crimes against
humanity and to educate the public about the types of information that
can be scientifically gathered from victims’ remains.
Originally, DC-Cam wished to display the skulls for public viewing.
However, out of respect for King Sihanouk and other Cambodians who are
uncomfortable with the idea of boxing human remains, the Center looked
for another solution. It thus housed the skulls in a separate room at
Tuol Sleng, which is open only to officials
(e.g.,
prosecutors at the Khmer Rouge tribunal). Their final disposition will
be determined once the tribunal is over.
The
skulls rest on identical pedestals built from slightly overlapping
wooden slats. Spaces have been left between slats so that air can
reach the skulls, thus allowing the spirits to come and go as they
wish. To protect the skulls, the Center placed them in clear,
five-sided Plexiglas cases secured with soft silicone caulk. The cases
can be removed by cutting the caulk with a razor blade, allowing the
skulls to be cleaned or moved. For the exhibition itself, the Center
chose to photograph the skulls, which were accompanied by text
explaining the type of trauma to each skull.
Photograph from the DC-Cam
Tuol Sleng Forensics Exhibition
1) Cranium of
a man, 25 to 45 years old.
Gunshot wound
of entrance in the left frontal convexity with the bullet passing into
the brain from right to left and downward on a 45-degree angle (as
indicated by the “keyhole” effect). [Catalogue No. TSL13, 2A50700]
King Sihanouk has proposed building a stupa at the old royal
capital of Udong to house the ashes from the cremated skeletons. Once
the Khmer Rouge tribunal is over, it may finally be possible to lay
the victims to rest more than a quarter of a century after the
genocide.
[1]
Wynne Cougill began working as a volunteer editor and writer for
the Documentation Center of Cambodia in early 2000. She is the
lead author of Stilled Lives: Photographs from the Cambodian
Genocide (DC-Cam, Phnom Penh, 2004), and has been resident
with the Center in Phnom Penh since January 2004.
[2]
Hughes, R. (2004). Memory and sovereignty in post-1979 Cambodia:
Choeung Ek and local genocide memorials, in S. Cook (ed.) New
perspectives on genocide:
Cambodia and Rwanda.
Yale Center for International and Area Studies: New Haven, p. 271.
[3]
Ibid., p. 76. A few caveats are in order regarding these
observations. First, Cambodian Buddhists do not bury their dead,
and thus do not visit grave sites as such (those of Chinese
descent do bury their dead and honor them by grave visits,
however). Thus, most Cambodians view Choeung Ek as a stupa,
not as a memorial. Second, the offense taken is a natural human
reaction: the bones may be those of one’s relatives, which makes
many people reluctant to visit the memorial. Last, some Cambodians
do view Choeung Ek as a dangerous place because of the ghosts
present, not because they fear physical violence by robbers, etc.
Those who have visited this site do so to share their sorrow;
thus, Choeung Ek can be viewed as a place of healing for
survivors.
[4]
Royal Government of Cambodia (2001).
Circular on
preservation of remains of the genocide (1975-1978), and
preparation of Anlong Veng to become a region for historical
tourism. Phnom Penh, 14 December, copy held at the Documentation
Center of Cambodia, 1 page.
[5]
Phat, Kosal. (2004). “Necessity of Preserving Physical Evidence.”
www.dccam.org/Archives/Physical/Importance.htm - 50k
[6]
Original letter in the possession of the Documentation Center of
Cambodia.
[7]
http://openhere.com/current/414456498.stm
[8]
The Cambodia Daily.
April 19, 2004.
[9]
Bail, Molly and Lor Chandara, Skull map at museum may be removed,
The Cambodia Daily, October 17, 2001.
[10]
DC-Cam uses global satellite position mapping combined with
fieldwork to document mass graves nationwide. To date, it has
identified over 380 genocide sites containing more than 19,000
mass graves (these are defined as any pit containing 4 or more
bodies, although some graves hold over 1,000) dating from the
Khmer Rouge regime. In addition, the Center has documented 189
prisons from Democratic Kampuchea and 80 genocide memorials.
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