Biography of KR Ambassador to the UN, Thiounn Prasit




Auto-biography of Thiounn Prasit


Khmer Rouge Ambassador to the UN 1975-1992


Translated by Phat Kosal and Sokha Irene


Our comrade in charge has reported that our class enemy has brought accusations on me. I would like to sincerely and wholeheartedly present my autobiography to the party as follows:


I. Family


Real name: Prasit

Revolutionary name: Sarn

Sex: Male, Nationality: Khmer

Marital Status: Married

My wife's name: Krushna Thourei, French nowadays living in France.

Children: 2 daughters and 1 son. My oldest daughter is 21 and now joined the revolution. The other 2 still under the care of my wife.

Date of Birth: February 3, 1930, Phnom Penh.


- My grand father's name: Thiounn, feudal class and reactionary traitor serving the French colonist.

- My mother's name: Bun Chan Mouli, conservative and feudal class, still alive. Age: not known and perhaps over 70.   

- My Sibblings: My elder sister:                 

- Thiounn Choeun, doctor and Minister of Health.

- Thiounn Cheoum married. Her husband's name Chhean Vorm, capitalist class. His political background is not known and I have not seen him for years.

- My elder brother: Thiounn Chum (Comprador) capitalist. His political background is not known and I have not seen him for years.

- My elder brother: Thiounn Mom joined the revolution since 1951 and is working in the Ministry of Industry.             


I am the youngest one in the family.   


II. From 1930 to 1949


From 1935 (or 1936!) to 1949:


I studied in Sisowath High School supervised by the French in Phnom Penh until Grade 6. Because I didn't do well in grade 6, the French principal decided to disconnect my studies there. My parent parents then decided to send me to Saigon to continue my studies at Chasseloup Labat High School.


From 1941 to 1945:


I continued my studies at Sisowath High School again until I graduated in July 1949. It was that time when the national patriotism idea developed in my mind. It was also the first time I had been in some contact with Cambodians. When I graduated in July 1949, the French colonist persuaded and indoctrinated me to serve them as my father and grandfather had done. To lure me, they granted me a tour trip coverage by sea to Manila City (the Philippines) and Hong Kong (July-August 1949).


III. From 1949 (September) to 1955 (December)    


I continued my studied in France, in September 1949 when I obtained from the government half of a full scholarship for my studies until 1952 when the Royal Government cut off my scholarship, because I opposed them. My first intention was to study dentistry but I changed the major and undertook the study of medicine production and sales. After 2 years' study in this area, I again went on to undertake the major of transportation until late 1954. After my graduation, the Royal Government then assigned my to work in the railway station. I spent6 months on an internship at a French railway station. Through the period of 6 years that I remained in France, I woke up to the consciousness of national patriotism against the French colonists. And I sought to bring about independence and a new era for Cambodia to become a socialist state.


In 1951, I joined the pro-Marxist and Leninist communique, which was founded in Paris by Comrade Brother Pol Pot, Brother Vann and Brother Khieu...etc. I was constantly and closely involved in all activities until 1955. In 1953, with advice from these brothers, I decided to enter into the French party. In 1953, with advice from these brothers, I decided  to enter into the French party. I n 1953, the French Security Police arrested me and detained me for one day to interrogate me about activities of the Khmer Student Association, which strongly opposed King Sihanouk, who betrayed the people. At that time, I had only national patriotism, not yet class consciousness. My national soul was not at its peak yet because of my confusion between national and international patriotism. Therefore, I got married to a French woman in December 1954. The reason for such a decision is attributive to the education I received from the exploiting French feudal and colonial class. My wrong decision has caused me frustration and feeling of regret up to now. During my study in France, I didn't have any other friends other than you all within the Marxist and Leninist party. I had only one French friend whom I developed closed relationship with. This friend was involved in some political activities within the French party before but withdrew himself from the party a long time ago. He is also a friend of Comrade Ros Chithor (dead). He is now doing his normal business. Whenever I meet him, he and I never talk about Cambodia and he rarely ask me either. He just wishes to live a life of comfort.


IV. From 1956 to 1963


This is the period of internal chaos.


         I returned to Cambodia in late December 1955. I worked in the Railway station. The party advised me to organise a railway station cell and that placed me in charge of educating the staff and workers there. Then I kept receiving a lot of advice from the party and I was appointed Party Secretary of the railway station cell to secretly educate workers and to write for " Observator Newspaper".

         From November 1958 to April 1959: At the request from the Ministry of Railways and with the authorisation of  the party, I went to do a study tour in Japan. At that time, I was aware of the traitorous activities of the traitors, Sam Sary and Dap Chhuon. I also found out the espionage activities of a Japanese man named Tada Toma among Khmer students in Japan.

         After my return from Japan, I worked in the party railway cell until June 1961 when Sihanouk severely attacked me. The class enemy resorted to such attacks because the rebellious movement of the railway workers was growing greater and greater.

         The party had decided that I cut off relations with the party for a while (almost one year). The exploiting class administration transferred me to the Ministry of Public Works. In 1962, the party changed my function to undertake activities of the ruling class and foreigners. At that time, I became acquainted with a French colonel named Mare. Through this relationship, I received some information but later realised that he was a spy from the French Second Bureau (2B). However, it is owing to my keen observation that I did not break out our secrecy to him.

         In 1963, after the purge of 34 people, the party laid out a plan to send me to France for a while. At first, I was very worried because I did not know how to live in France. Because the situation was getting more and more tense, I requested that the party allow me to escape to France. The party then agreed. By that time, I saw an escape as a complicated matter for me. However, through my relevant educational background in France and through self-examination, I found out that the escape was suitable and would help alleviate the problems that existed in my life and for my entire family.

         In June 1963, after 2 months of persistent request for a visa from the administration of the exploiting class, I obtained a visa and departed to France along with my sister's daughter. My two children followed me in December 1963. I went to France via Prague as I wanted to take the opportunity to find out information about cities of the country widely known as a socialist state. I stayed in this city for 2 days waiting for a connecting flight to Paris.

         Over the past 7 and a half years, I have received a great deal of education from the party and have been involved in many activities against the Imperialist and ruling class. I have had a lot of experience with workers and intellectuals. Although the enemy actually investigated my activities and put pressure on me, I was still happy to struggle against them. However, at that time, I was very idealistic. I did not possess a clear-cut conception of class standpoint-still blurry. I still enjoyed life of the exploiting class.


In between 1958 and 1960, the event of revisionism appeared and I did not have a good view of that and clear standpoint toward that. For this reason, I just lived up to the party's advice which was that I had to put the national matters above anything else- Cambodia matter must be seen as a priority and to stage a Cambodian revolution taking the national interest as the most important of all.


V. From (June) 1963 to (March) 1970:


        When I arrived in France, I taught the Khmer students the internal situation within the party to spread out among Khmer students in France. I adhered to the standpoint to which the party had advised me to adhere and I was concerned with the conflict between the revisionist and Chinese the revisionist and our revolution. The party standpoint and concept helped solve to a greater extent the chaotic confusions within the mind of Khmer students in France.


        Within the period of almost seven years, my political activities were just within the circle of the Khmer Student Association and some other Cambodians. I have established tie with my old friends who studied with me. A Mare whom I met in Phnom Penh contacted me as well but not as often since he lived very far from us. After the March 1970 coup, it was obvious that he protected the traitor, Lon Nol. I then broke off relation with him in early 1971. I did not have any other contact with any other foreigners. Nor did I join any activities. I do not even know certain Vietnamese with whom our students had connection in Paris. I did not re-established relation with the French communist party. I did spend 90% of my time earning a living in order to feed my family and to care for my job.


        However, I was at that time very idealistic. I still lived the way of the exploiting class. In between 1958 and 1960 the event of revisionism appeared and I didn't have a good view of that clear standpoint. For this reason, I lived up to the party's advice which was that I had to put the national matter above anything else. The Cambodia's matters must be seen as a priority and to stage a Cambodian revolution taking the national interest as the most important of all.


        Eventually, I moved to live in France for a while just to await the day when the party called me to return. At the same time, I prepared to return to Cambodia, I joined the Khmer Student Association in France and tried to educate students there as much as I could. Over the past seven and a half years, I completely lost touch with the party.

        During my stay in France, I received some money from my mother. Especially in 1968 I received from my mother 50,000 Tranout.


        From 1963 to 1968, I worked in a fuel company (coal and oil). In 1960, I worked in a French Airport in Paris.


        During my stay in France, I was very much influenced by the French capitalists in terms of life style, concept and standpoint. Even though it was because I prepared and awaited the day I would undertake my assigned tasks and that I had keenly observed the internal situation, that revolutionary standpoint had faded to a great extent. My revolutionary standpoint looked blurry and step by step I came to care very much about seeking a comfortable life and I failed to educate people there to think about the national interest. I was blinded by material things and I didn't realise that this was the concept of revisionism until after I was educated after the coup. In fact, if there was not a coup and the party didn't call me to operate in Beijing after the coup, I would have been unable to correct and change myself and I would have lived in France and served the French capitalists forever. The party has put me on the right track and has washed me off corruption and has educated me to become a man of grace. The way the party introduced to me was rather complicated but it is a clean way full of credit.


        Since I already prepared myself, and had hoped that one day the party would call me back and the party had demanded that I stay away from my family for a while, I made everything possible to enable my family to become independent and self-reliant in terms of earning a living and living in my absence. Therefore all the money deposited in the bank was in my wife's name or in both mine and hers. With a capitalist concept, I thought that I should buy a house and make payments by salary instalments (by on credit) because it gave me more benefit and was much cheaper than renting one. I did that in 1965, due to the distance of the house and the fact that I received some money from my mother and I could work in the French Airport in Praise, I decided to change my address by borrowing additional money from the French Air-line company before I sold my old house. All these activities showed that I was drowned in the capitalist society. This was required by the regulation of "the Paris Airline" that every one has to give 3-month notice if they want to quit their job. This prompted me to follow the party's advice which was to send me to Beijing. I see this as my main disadvantage and I have felt regretful up to this day.


        The situation of property ownership is as follows:


-        Housing: In 1970 I was allowed by a French notary to live in the house in Paris until he died. I would like to confirm that my wife and I saved money to buy this house. My wife shared 1/3 of the whole budget.


-        Account in the bank: Because the account in the bank was only eligible to my wife I really don't have any information concerning the account. I have my own account and I allowed my wife to use it. According to information from her 5 months ago, the account was valid for 2,700 RteNat . However, I really don't know how the money has been managed so far.


All these problems have sometimes caused me feelings of frustration. I haven't figured out a clear solution to them yet. To be eligible to sell the house, we must divorce. According to the French law, it will take a long time or it may even be impossible, unless both sides consent to the divorce. Practically, I had only 2 options-either to divorce my wife or to bring my family to live in Cambodia.

When certain front members handed over their houses back to the party in Paris, I was ashamed but did not know how to better approach the matter. Now I am still at an impasse.


My family: She worked in Khum Orsie. The khum chief is a communist. However, as I know she had tried to look for a job at 2 or 3 different places because she had experience at being an adviser to the Family Planning Consultancy. I did not know how much her salary was. As I presume she just got enough to cope with the family's needs. She joined the French party in 1970 but she did not get along very well with the French party. Generally, she is a woman who likes to see progress but has the idea of self-comfort. She is also uninterested in politics.


VI. From March 1970 to December 1975


During this period I actively served the revolution in the front line under the leadership of the party until I was able to return to the country. " I arrived in Cambodia in August but I stayed only 2 days."

I arrived in Beijing on July 8, 1970 via Moscow. At that time, most people did not like to travel by French planes because these planes flew via Thailand. Over the past 5 years I would like to present my activities, concepts, and standpoints toward certain issue as follows:


        Party tasks: I came to Beijing to implement the party's advice. Because I could not come to Beijing immediately due to certain reasons I mentioned above, I and our comrades in France decided to first send Comrade Thiounn Mom, my brother. Upon my arrival in Beijing, my primary target was to contact the party and to present my report to the party and to implement the party's advice. It was only in February 1971 that I had a chance to meet the party in Hanoi. In the early stage, due to the fact that I was for a long time disconnected from the party and deeply influenced by the French capitalist, my revolutionary standpoint was still weak. That was why I found it very difficult to implement the party line. Thanks to all constant advisory assistance from the party, I had successively renounced individual and personal ownership and I attached myself to the party and the revolution again. Subsequently, the party trusted me. It was all these factors that motivated me to successfully fulfil the tasks entrusted by the party. In addition, I had grasped hold of and understood the element of communism and built myself up to a greater extent. It was only after my involvement in the revolution that my life was meaningful and bright again.


        Front tasks: Just after my arrival in Beijing, Pen Nut and Sihanouk made me Minister responsible for internal correspondence. At the same time Comrade Keat Chhon was made Minister and Prime Minister's Assistant(?). I did not ask for this post; nor had I proposed I be placed in this place. Sihanouk and Pen Nut treated us this way because they wanted to gain more force. Besides, they did not investigate the internal correspondence of our party and they were not sure about my background. They just knew that I possessed the same position they did. At that time, I was not interested in high position. My biggest goal then was to get salary to support my family. Rank and reputation were not important to me at all.


The top Front members were not happy with this assignment. They accused me of being an enemy betraying their class, being against their class, blocking their process to grasp full power and preventing them from politically negotiating with the imperialist. They said I was French because my spouse was French. They accused me because I did not allow them to steal money. They said I was a revisionist, Yuon (Vietnamese) etc.


Besides, I also had some weak points:


1.      I could not understand clearly about the political line of the Front and the activities of the party.

I still had a French attitude. I am not gentle. I sent my family money. All of these due to my ex-class, as oppressor. In fact, the class struggle in the high rank Front is very strict. The oppressors attacked the party through me because while I had the internal contact I was always afraid that people would not like me or would know about my weak points.

3. With the Vietnamese:


In late July 1970, I went to Hanoi with Chan Seng as the Vietnamese government had invited us. Before boarding, I was told by a Chinese comrade that someone wanted to see me. It was Vort Samoeun. He was going to fly to Hanoi as well. He told me to keep prudent with Chao Seng and to make sure that he had no reason to suspect me. Comrade Vort Samoeun sat it the captain's room. I asked him if our party policy accorded with the Vietnamese's. He told me that we had mutual trust with the Vietnamese.


Upon my arrival in Hanoi, I again met him in secret and I asked the Vietnamese for a loan to sponsor the Cambodian Student Association in France and to pay back the loan on my house in Paris as well. I really regretted it. Whenever I think of it, I am always angry with myself and feel much pain. I made such mistakes because I did not have national pride and I lacked political experience and I wrongly believed in the standpoint of internationalism. I can not forget this event.


In the first 9 years I misunderstood a lot about the Vietnamese. I mistakenly thought the Vietnamese were loyal and respected us. According to this misunderstanding, I reported openly through the Vietnamese about our internal situation. That is why the Vietnamese knew all our weak points. On February 1971 I met the party again in Hanoi.


The Vietnamese were trying to lure me to work for them because they knew about my weak points-- I used to live in France; my grandfather is Vietnamese and a revisionist like him.


I did not know about the Vietnamese nature until I joined the Front. I thought that the Vietnamese were good revolutionary people. That was a great regret I had while I was working with the Front. Constant education from the party and practical experience on the international arena portrayed to me the tricky mind of the Vietnamese and I saw this as the danger to our revolution and nation. Their new and recent attempt to obliterate our party leadership machine and to destroy our growing revolution reassure me of the life-and -death antagonism between our party and Vietnam. Vietnam never gave up its attempt to swallow our territory. Its new congress reiterated an obvious land-swallowing ambition.


From 1970 to 1971, at an international conference, there was some bilateral cooperation between the two countries but from 1972, our delegation was independent even though the conference was about the three countries.


4. With the Russian


1. I first met the Russian revisionist while I transited in Moscow to continue another flight to Beijing. When I arrived in Moscow, Chea San, our Front Ambassador took me to meet the leader of a mass organization named Russian Liberty Organization, Chan Seng and Chea San explained and thanked them.


2. In September 1970, the Front government assigned me to participate in the meeting in Berlin, East Germany and the meeting of the Executive Committee of Stockholm on Vietnam in order to explain the recent situation in Cambodia, and reply to the invitation. There I met the Russian because the organisation was led by the revisionist. They did not say anything but spied on us.


3. In October, 1970, the Front Government assigned me to participate in a conference which focused on "The investigation of the genocide commitment by America in Indochina". This conference was held in Stockholm, where I met the Russian but we did not have an opportunity to chat. They spied on me.


4. In November, 1970, the government assigned me to join the conference focusing on "Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia" in Stock Lomar. On my way via Moscow, I gave a marble sculpture to the Russian Liberty Organisation". In Stockholm, the Russian Ambassador invited the Vietnamese, Laotian and Cambodian delegations to join a party at the Russian Embassy. The Cambodian delegations comprised Touch Rinn (the traitor), Krin Leang and me. At the banquet I thanked the Russian Embassy for their support. On my return via Moscow, the Russian Liberty Organisation held a congress supporting the resistance movements of the Vietnamese, Laotian and Cambodian. I made a speech and thanked the Russian people for their support for our resistance.


5. While I was waiting in Moscow to attend the November 1970 conference in Paris, a Russian named Akova Longko, who was said to be a Central Committee member responsible for Asian Affairs came to meet me in my room at the hotel. "Russia was a great power nation but does not tend to oppress Cambodia", he said. He did not acknowledge Sihanouk. He would not acknowledge Sihanouk's government unless the Cambodian party asked for it. He wanted to meet the Cambodian party. If he could not, he wanted our letter asking his government to acknowledge our Front government.


This is the first time I met with the Russian. I told him that I did not know if there was any party in Cambodia but I would inform the leader.


I informed the party of every single thing that went on in that conversation after my arrival in Beijing in December.


I gave the fax to the Vietnamese after I had known that the party representatives had arrived in Hanoi. He/she read and then kept it. The next day they told me to give the fax to the party representative personally.


6. After having met the party and being re-educated by the party in February 1972, the party assigned me to participate in the Versailles International Conference for peace in Indochina. This conference focused on liberty in Indochina and was recognised by the revisionist. It was a mass organisation conference. There was an incident between the Russian and Cambodian delegation. The Russian did not agree to include all the Cambodian standpoints in the conference decision. After a long conversation held until 3 am., I told them that if they still did not put up all Cambodian standpoints for discussion at the conference, they should not include put any of them at all. In case they discussed about Cambodia and did not state the right point, I would make a protest in a high profile conference. The French newspaper and overseas television forecast this argument. Finally, the Russian agreed. Our standpoint was to solve Cambodian problems on March 23, 1970 and asked them to acknowledge our Front government.


7. In May 1975, the organisation responsible for the conference in Stockholm on Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, invited the Cambodian delegation to talk about the Cambodian problem. The party assigned me to lead the delegation and ask for an international conference focusing on Cambodia issues. The Russian tried every measure possible to block the conference from being held. However, after the victory on August 15th 1973, they were obliged to support the conference to show that they supported the Cambodian people


8. The international conference on Cambodia was held in December 1973 in Paris. The party assigned me to lead the Cambodian delegation. This conference gave us a victory. The Russian became isolated. In my speech, I talked about the friendship between the citizens of both nations and the love for liberty and justice, especially among Cambodian, Vietnamese, Laotian, Chinese and Koreans. Two or three days later, the conference came to the end. Akova Longko, the one I met in Moscow in December 1970, asked to meet  me again. I accepted the appointment. I had Front people to take part in the conversation in order to avoid talking about the correspondence within the parties. There was Ieng Kounsaky among us." You said about the friendship among the 5 countries. Does Cambodia want only these 5 friends? What about those who supported Cambodia? Aren't they Cambodian friends? If you still keep saying that, it will affect the relationship between Russia and Cambodia "said Akova Longko. It was a threat which interfered in our internal affairs and abused our sovereignty. "I mentioned about the friendship with the 5 countries because these countries have supported us since the beginning, especially China which supported us in every aspect without any condition. Moreover, that country has never interfered with our internal affairs as certain countries have done" I replied. akova Longko was very angry and got red in the face. Then he changed the subject to talked about the success of the conference. Before he said good-bye, he said, "he was very pleased to see me because we have gotten to know each other much better". I replied, "Yes, we have known each other more."


On my way back to Beijing via Moscow, the Russian Liberty Organisation men came to greet me at the airport. They invited me for a meal in the airport restaurant because I did not have much time in Moscow, I was only transiting. They gave me a warm welcome. They advised that Cambodia should write a book about the failure of the imperialist America's coup, for it is a surprise in world history.


It was the last time I talked with the Russian until I went to work at the United Nations office in 1975.


9. Among the revisionists, Cuba was a country which got involved the most with us because it was a revisionist country that had acknowledged us since the beginning. In every conference, its delegations behaved well and in a friendly way toward our delegations. It is just show but in fact, they made very short speeches all the time. I also contacted with them, especially Melba Enandes, the third or fourth woman in the resistance movement with Fedel Castro. A part from this, we did not have any special relationship at all. I think that the Russian and Cubans knew I was a party member because the Vietnamese had introduced me. This was one reason why they behaved in a friendly way towards me. Now they also know about me. Therefore, this friendship was deteriorating while the party assigned me to lead the delegation to Cuba in May this year they did not give us a warm welcome as before.


10. My theory and standpoint toward Russia. IN 1970-71, I did not know what a revisionist was; nor did I know clearly about Russia. That was why I wanted the revisionist country to acknowledge our country by explaining to them. I thought they had revolutionary quality. It would be beneficial for our resistance movement if they acknowledged us.


The party re-education and the real experiment made me realise about the danger the revisionist may caused to our revolution. I have never bothered them, but I will never let hem influence our internal affairs or affect our sovereignty and integrity.


I still have the revisionist quality because I got the influence from the capitalist. That is why I always keep prudent whenever I am on mission abroad. Both the revisionist and imperialist America knew my background and never reconciled. They did not give up persuading me and it is good for me to return to Cambodia, far away from them. The imperialist is our life and death enemy. I taught the high-ranking Front both in theory and standpoint that this is the last war; so we must resist in order to fulfil all the five essences of the Front. In 1973, I believed that we can succeed without negotiation. The long time resistance did not give me much difficulty because I live abroad. Being apart from my family was the only problem I had. This long time resistance relied a lot on the international arena, I have never forgotten about the absolute resistance standpoint.



VII. Conclusion


During these 5 years, I have been very pleased to do my best serving the People Revolution Party. It is a very meaningful time in my life because I have participated in the international arena and served the party until we completely gained victory. I am very happy to live near the party again.


The influence I got from the French capitalist during my stay (1963-70) is an obstacle in the process of building up myself to reach my satisfaction. These obstacles include family and personal property.


In conclusion, I could understand the political line, the theory and the principal of the party. However, I could not understand clearly the intervention and the practice of the international political line. I recognised this lacking quality after my return in late 1975.


VIII. The year 1976


1. After our historic and immense victory, I continued working in the Front until August, 1975. Then I was sent to work on the International Arena, especially to participate in the ministerial conference of the non-aligned countries at the United Nations and in Lima. I did not work with the mass organisation, nor the organisation that was led by the revisionist.


Since then I worked with third countries and " non-aligned countries". While I was in the United Nations, I could see clearly the activities and manoeuvres of the United States and the revisionist. These 2 nations welcomed the Cambodian delegation warmly and enthusiastically. I could see the United States was trying to contact the revisionist Soviet through Biyei Lorosy who was sitting west to the Cambodian delegation. I did not do anything against this but kept prudent, especially with the United States because they are more dangerous than the revisionist Soviet. The recent betrayal made me think about the danger of the revisionist to our revolution. I tried my best to develop relationships with the third world countries, especially with those who had supported us during the war. I tried to get away from the problems that those countries had and persuaded them to stage rebellions against the imperialist and  revisionist. I encouraged them to strengthen friendships among third world countries and individually solve their own internal problems.


In 1976, at the United Nations conference on marine law, through my visits to the countries of Africa and in high profile conference of non-aligned countries in Colombo, I practiced the party line and strengthened friendships with those countries to isolate the enemy.


I noticed that Cuba and Papua New Guinea had not warmly or enthusiastically welcomed our delegation led by me. Their high ranking officials had not met our delegation. In Cuba they praised the Vietnamese very much.


2. Socialist Revolution in Cambodia


Before returning back to the country in late 1975, I did not notice that April 17, 1975  was the end of the People's Democratic Revolution. I did not realise that currency abolition and people evacuation had been practiced in terms of class struggle in order to continue the Socialist Revolution and to establish a socialist country. Then I realised that they were very important acts that needed to be done after the exhausting war. Besides, they were just the necessary measures. This thought of mine had come from the inaccurate internal information I had only read the book.


After having been re-educated, I understand and support the party's measures. The Socialist Revolution took place three times in the World history. The first one was in October 1917 in Russia led by Lenin. The second one was in October 1949 in China. the third and the last one was in April 17th, 1975 in Cambodia. The measures that the party used to continue the Socialist Revolution have never existed before. I believed that if it was not for this measure, Cambodia would have inevitably faced difficulty and may have lost independence, sovereignty and integrity. The sacrifice of one million Cambodian lives would have become useless. If not for this absolute measure the Vietnamese may come to oppress our country. With these measures, they still seize our land. Therefore, what would happen if the party did not use the measure?


Now the situation of the Socialist Revolution is very good and is better than in Vietnam and Laos. Within one year period, we can solve the problem of food shortage. This has never happened before. We succeeded in establishing the People's  Democratic Revolution just after we had liberated our country and our people. Moreover, we have promoted and developed the Socialist Revolution. This is extraordinary. The abolition of currency in our country is a superb measure which has never existed in world history. I am very proud of these commitments and I am going to continue working based on the party line under the clear sighted leadership of the party. Besides the abolition of individual property in the individual mind is the best way to dig up the roots of the revisionist in the party line. This movement has made me realise that I who used to be an oppressor is a subject of the Socialist Revolution. I must get rid of the personal property spirit. I gradually get rid of it and become more cheerful but I must continue getting rid of it.


The family property consciousness is still in existence, especially the sentiment with children but if compared with the past, it is much better. No matter what happens, I will never forget that the party have re-educated and trusted me. During the 1970 coup, the party called me to join the party again, I consider that the party has saved my life. With the trust and re-education I have received from the party , I took a role in the revolution until the victory and have worked to promote and develop the Socialist Revolution. I really do not know what would have happened to me if I had not met the party. I can not forget this beneficiary action and I will continue improving myself by getting rid of the personal property spirit. I will serve the revolution from the bottom of my heart and fill my life with good means.


This autobiography does not tell every step of my life but I am always pleased to tell everything if necessary.


December 25th, 1976



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